Photographs by Vasil Germanov for Fine Acts. tools of oppression,” Nedeva said. From 2010 to 2013 foreign investors began leaving the Bulgarian media market. In 2010, the German Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung (WAZ) exited the market by selling the largest publishing group in Bulgaria, including 24 Chasa and Trud. More sales followed, including newspapers, radio stations, and magazines—and the sale of the two biggest private nationwide television channels—bTV and Nova TV. The withdrawal of foreign investors from the media market in Bulgaria signaled danger for media freedom. It also allowed political figures to acquire ownership of media outlets and use them as tools to influence the public opinion, oppress political pursue private agendas. How did Bulgaria become the black sheep of the EU? The smeared borders between what is ethical and unethical when it comes to media ownership, political influence, private economic interest, and government corruption have resulted in terrible conditions for exercising free journalism in Bulgaria. In its latest report on Bulgaria’s progress under the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism from October 2019, the European Commission raised serious concerns about these issues. The same year Transparency International ranked Bulgaria as the most corrupt country in the EU. Nelly Ognyanova, a media law expert, said in an interview for OBC Transeuropa that media ownership concentration and lack of ownership transparency are the two major obstacles to media freedom and pluralism in Bulgaria. Despite the reports, the white papers and the alarms, the overall media situation in Bulgaria does not seem to be improving. There is no clarity when it comes to how media channels are financed. Current laws do not forbid politicians to own outlets. The money from advertising is insufficient for media outlets to support themselves, and they often rely on state money. This makes enemies, and them vulnerable to games of influence and those with deep pockets. In the past 15 years, media, finances, and politics in Bulgaria have become inextricably intertwined. One of the most serious problems, according to numerous European media outlets and EU reports, is that the government continues to allocate EU funds to media outlets with zero transparency. The recipients of the funds are often encouraged to go soft on the government. There are many online media outlets, such as PIK, that are evidently pro-governmental. Additionally, oppression from judicial officers is often aimed at independent media outlets such as Bivol and the Economedia group. What does it mean to fight for media freedom? Seven years after the protests in 2013, which were sparked by Peevski’s appointment, Bulgaria is once again torn by political and public division. People are in the streets. While the reasons behind the protesting are more tightly connected to political decisions, there were several recent occasions involving police violence and intimidation towards journalists. On Sept. 2 Dimiter Kenarov, a freelance journalist whose articles have appeared in the Esquire, The Atlantic, and The International New York Times, was apprehended and allegedly kicked in the head by police officers. On the same day, police officers used force against Nikolay Doychinov, a photojournalist for Agence France-Presse. Another similar situation included members of a bTV news crew who needed medical attention after being pepper sprayed. On Sept. 14, the police summoned Martin Georgiev, a reporter from newspaper Sega, for questioning about inquiries and pictures he had sent to the Ministry of Interior in regard to police violence during the protests. He was questioned without a lawyer. The International Press Institute (IPI) condemned this form of interrogation and intimidation techniques. Аnd now what? The protests demanding transparent and democratic government are inextricably bound with the current media state of affairs. As long as democracy in Bulgaria is under siege, there will be issues in the media sector. In a recent interview on Conflict Zone, Tim Sebastian, a television journalist and novelist, asked the Bulgarian minister of labour and social policy, Denitsa Sacheva, a series of questions about the government’s performance, recent decisions, and policies. Many of the questions remained unanswered. Those that were answered by Sacheva were in stark contrast with what Dunja Mijatović, the current Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, said in her statement on Sept. 3. Mijatović called on the Bulgarian government to react promptly and pay close attention to incidents of hate speech, including those by high-level politicians; threats and violations of the human rights of children, women, and LGBTI people. She also asked the authorities to enhance the legal protection against discrimination, hate crimes, and to thoroughly investigate and prosecute such crimes. She also asked for the improvement of journalists’ professional protection and working conditions. In addition, the justice committee of the European Parliament issued a resolution regarding Bulgaria’s rule-of-law failings. WHEN? The resolution marked a shift in the EU’s tone toward Bulgaria’s Prime Minister Boyko Borisov. This time, Borisov, his ruling party GERB, and abuses of EU funds were directly challenged. Thirty five MEPs from the Civil Liberties and Justice Committee (LIBE) approved the resolution. “Tax payers money is used for the enrichment of circles associated with the ruling party,” the resolution stated. This resolution is not legally binding but is one of the first political moves that exert pressure on the EU to take a closer look at how its funds are allocated. “Mapping corruption shows clearly that member states with structural deficiencies on rule of law are those most prone to resort to corrupt practices when managing EU budget and funds,” Juan Fernando López Aguilar, the LIBE Committee chairman, said in a statement after the resolution has been voted. “That has to come to an end.” Fall 2020 | AUBG Daily 3
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